How to survive a breakdown of the social order

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

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How to survive a breakdown of the social order

It’s been nearly 30 years since then-Gov. Bill Clinton took a break from the campaign trail to oversee the execution of death-row inmate Ricky Ray Rector. Morally, it may have been repugnant to kill a man so mentally handicapped by a failed suicide attempt that he set aside the pecan pie of his last meal because he was “saving it for later.”

Politically, it was essential.

By the early 1990s the American left had spent a generation earning a soft-on-crime image in an era of growing lawlessness. In 1988, Mike Dukakis secured the Democrats’ third landslide loss thanks in no small part to his stalwart opposition to the death penalty. Four years later, it was difficult to imagine any Democrat reaching the White House without a literal blood sacrifice to the gods of law and order.

Now Democrats seem intent on reviving that reputation. In Waukesha, Wis., six people were killed and at least 60 injured when Darrell Brooks drove his Ford Escape through a Christmas parade, according to the police. Brooks already had a lengthy rap sheet and had reportedly run over a woman with the same S.U.V. early this month. But, as The Times reported, he had been “quickly freed from jail on bond after prosecutors requested what they now say was an inappropriately low bail.”

What happened in Waukesha on Sunday is among the consequences of easy bail. And bail reform — that is, reducing or eliminating cash bail for a variety of offenses — has been a cause of the left for years.

Then there is California, which in 2014 classified possession of hard drugs for personal use and the theft of up to $950 of goods as misdemeanor offenses. In the Bay Area, the results have been stark: San Francisco’s overdose deaths rose to 81 per 100,000 people in 2020 from 19 per 100,000 people in 2014.

In the meantime, shoplifting has become endemic, brazen and increasingly well organized, culminating in mobs of looters ransacking stores and terrifying customers in the Bay Area last week. Local shops are closing, neighborhoods are decaying, encampments of drug addicts have proliferated, and streets are befouled by human excrement — a set of failures Michael Shellenberger calls in his thoroughly researched and convincing new book, “San Fransicko: Why Progressives Ruin Cities,” “the breakdown of civilization on America’s West Coast.”

As for the rest of the country: Can anyone seriously say that Chicago, Los Angeles, Portland, Seattle, Philadelphia or New York has been improved in recent years under progressive leadership? Why did rates of homelessness register their biggest jumps between 2007 and 2020 in left-leaning states like New York, California and Massachusetts — and their biggest decreases in right-leaning ones like Florida, Texas and Georgia?

Some readers might object that none of these trends take place in a vacuum. The jump in overdose deaths has surely been influenced by the effects of the pandemic, and they’ve also gone up heavily in red states. The rise in lawlessness is in some ways a product of last year’s social upheavals and a reckoning over how the police do their jobs. And murder rates have also gone up in Republican-led cities like Jacksonville, Fla., just as they have elsewhere.

True. But nowhere are dysfunctions more concentrated than in the very places that were supposed to have become beacons of progressive sunshine. And nowhere are the reasons more obvious, too.

If you permit petty vices and crimes to flourish, greater ones will usually follow. If you refuse to police quality-of-life infractions like public drug use or aggressive panhandling, the quality of life will decline. If you increase the incentives for bad behavior, and reduce the ones for good, you will inevitably achieve catastrophic results.

This is not social science. It’s common sense. It’s the basis on which the United States was able to make its streets far safer from around 1995 to 2015, when crime rates kept going down — above all to the benefit of the very minority communities that progressives claim to champion.

The Democratic Party has since thrown that legacy away. Joe Biden disavowed his 1994 crime bill. Last year’s protests often devolved into naked criminality, to which many progressives, including those in the news media, closed their eyes, notoriously including those “fiery but mostly peaceful protests” in Kenosha, Wis. Opportunities for thoughtful police and justice-system reform were squandered in the rush to defame, defund, diminish or abolish.

It may be that serious urban leaders like incoming mayor Eric Adams of New York can reverse the trend. Even the ultra-lefties in California D.A. offices, faced with recall votes, seem to have gotten the message that things are out of hand. But progressive misgovernance has now tattooed the words “soft on crime” on Democratic necks, and the country has noticed. It will take years to erase.

And who has been helped the most by all this, politically speaking? Donald Trump and his mini-mes. The country won’t be safe from them until a more serious Democratic Party can set itself free from ideas that embarrass it and endanger us all.

The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the author and don’t necessarily reflect The Press Democrat editorial board’s perspective. The opinion and news sections operate separately and independently of one another.

It’s been nearly 30 years since then-Gov. Bill Clinton took a break from the campaign trail to oversee the execution of death row inmate Ricky Ray Rector. Morally, it may have been repugnant to kill a man so mentally handicapped by a failed suicide attempt that he set aside the pecan pie of his last meal because he was “saving it for later.”

Politically, it was essential.

By the early 1990s the American left had spent a generation earning a soft-on-crime image in an era of growing lawlessness. In 1988, Mike Dukakis secured the Democrats’ third landslide loss thanks in no small part to his stalwart opposition to the death penalty. Four years later, it was difficult to imagine any Democrat reaching the White House without a literal blood sacrifice to the gods of law and order.

Now Democrats seem intent on reviving that reputation. In Waukesha, Wisconsin, six people were killed and at least 60 injured when Darrell Brooks drove his Ford Escape through a Christmas parade, according to the police. Brooks already had a lengthy rap sheet and had reportedly run over a woman with the same SUV early this month. But, as the New York Times reported, he had been “quickly freed from jail on bond after prosecutors requested what they now say was an inappropriately low bail.”

What happened in Waukesha last Sunday is among the consequences of easy bail. And bail reform — that is, reducing or eliminating cash bail for a variety of offenses — has been a cause of the left for years.

Then there is California, which in 2014 classified possession of hard drugs for personal use and the theft of up to $950 of goods as misdemeanor offenses. In the Bay Area, the results have been stark: San Francisco’s overdose deaths rose to 81 per 100,000 people in 2020 from 19 per 100,000 people in 2014.

In the meantime, shoplifting has become endemic, brazen and increasingly well organized, culminating in mobs of looters ransacking stores and terrifying customers in the Bay Area last week. Local shops are closing, neighborhoods are decaying, encampments of drug addicts have proliferated, and streets are befouled by human excrement — a set of failures Michael Shellenberger calls in his thoroughly researched and convincing new book, “San Fransicko: Why Progressives Ruin Cities,” “the breakdown of civilization on America’s West Coast.”

As for the rest of the country: Can anyone seriously say that Chicago, Los Angeles, Seattle, Philadelphia, Portland, Oregon, or New York has been improved in recent years under progressive leadership? Why did rates of homelessness register their biggest jumps between 2007 and 2020 in left-leaning states like New York, California and Massachusetts — and their biggest decreases in right-leaning ones like Florida, Texas and Georgia?

Some readers might object that none of these trends take place in a vacuum. The jump in overdose deaths has surely been influenced by the effects of the pandemic, and they’ve also gone up heavily in red states. The rise in lawlessness is in some ways a product of last year’s social upheavals and a reckoning over how the police do their jobs. And murder rates have also gone up in Republican-led cities like Jacksonville, Florida, just as they have elsewhere.

True. But nowhere are dysfunctions more concentrated than in the very places that were supposed to have become beacons of progressive sunshine. And nowhere are the reasons more obvious, too.

If you permit petty vices and crimes to flourish, greater ones will usually follow. If you refuse to police quality-of-life infractions like public drug use or aggressive panhandling, the quality of life will decline. If you increase the incentives for bad behavior, and reduce the ones for good, you will inevitably achieve catastrophic results.

This is not social science. It’s common sense. It’s the basis on which the United States was able to make its streets far safer from around 1995 to 2015, when crime rates kept going down — above all to the benefit of the very minority communities that progressives claim to champion.

The Democratic Party has since thrown that legacy away. Joe Biden disavowed his 1994 crime bill. Last year’s protests often devolved into naked criminality, to which many progressives, including those in the news media, closed their eyes, notoriously including those “fiery but mostly peaceful protests” in Kenosha, Wisconsin. Opportunities for thoughtful police and justice-system reform were squandered in the rush to defame, defund, diminish or abolish.

It may be that serious urban leaders like Eric Adams, the incoming mayor of New York, can reverse the trend. Even the ultra-lefties in California DA offices, faced with recall votes, seem to have gotten the message that things are out of hand. But progressive misgovernance has now tattooed the words “soft on crime” on Democratic necks, and the country has noticed. It will take years to erase.

And who has been helped the most by all this, politically speaking? Donald Trump and his mini-mes. The country won’t be safe from them until a more serious Democratic Party can set itself free from ideas that embarrass it and endanger us all.

If you thought that Squid Game would be the last fantastic K-drama of 2021, you would be wrong.

‘Hellbound’ is the latest Korean series to launch worldwide through the streaming platform and it is definitely worthy of being added to your ‘watch list.

The series was as dramatic as it was horrifying, but the ending to season 1 episode 6 has confused many of its viewers; why did the baby survive the decree?

Warning: This article will contain spoilers for Hellbound season 1.

  • HELLBOUND: Has the series been renewed for season 2 by Netflix?

Hellbound | Final Trailer | Netflix

Hellbound: Ending explained

In the final episode of Hellbound season 1, the New Truth are closing in on So-hyun’s and her baby, whilst Sodo are also desperate to protect the infant so they can broadcast the demonstration.

Right on time, 9:30 PM, the three terrifying monsters appear in the lobby of a housing complex and head straight for the screaming baby. However, the parents of ‘Toughie’, as he is referred to, fight back alongside Hye-jin to escape the demonic monsters.

Ultimately, all they can do is shield the child with themselves as the three monsters begin the ‘burning process’ that will send the baby to hell. Both parents are tragically killed, turned to black ash by the monsters but to everyone’s surprise, the child lives!

Hye-jin wakes up to hear the baby crying and vows to protect them, with the leader of New Truth being arrested shortly afterwards.

Nevertheless, there is one final twist to the Hellbound tale, we cut back to Park Jung-ja’s home – the place of the first publicly broadcast demonstration. Black smoke and embers begin swirling around the murder site, and Jung-ja is reincarnated!

Lying naked on the ground of her home, which is now a sacred place for New Truth, Jung-ja has seemingly returned from hell!

  • SQUID GAME: Creator confirms season 2 is being planned right now

Ended up just binging Hellbound and omg what an ending. Will definitely be anticipating a season 2!

Also very glad we didn’t see a baby getting ragdolled 😅

— Umbra 🚀⭐ vtuber ⭐ (@Umbradroid) November 26, 2021

Why does the baby survive at the end of Hellbound?

Officially, we don’t know exactly why the baby is able to survive the decree in episode six of Hellbound, with the episode ending shortly after the end of the demonstration with no added information on the child’s decree.

However, there are various fan theories circulating around social media as to why this baby was allowed to live, when so many others have been so brutally killed by the monsters.

The most obvious reason is one of sacrifice, the two parents offered themselves to be dragged down to hell instead of their infant child.

It could be an ‘eye for an eye’ type of deal, where the sacrifice of the baby’s parents is enough to mitigate the child’s sins – even though New Truth did not agree with the concept of ‘original sin’.

Another theory is related to Park Jung-ja, the now-reincarnated victim – after a number of years have passed, why was she reincarnated now?

We never found out what her ‘sin’ actually was, but it is heavily implied throughout the series that it was related to having children with multiple married men i.e., something to do with babies and parenthood.

Fans remain sceptical on this particular theory, but it can’t be a coincidence that she returns from hell only hours after the decree’s first ever stay-of-execution.

Interestingly, one final theory is that the baby actually did die during the reincarnation but was reincarnated the same way as Park Jung-ja the moment the parents’ lives were lost.

This is a theory touched upon by one fan on social media, who says that it was “revived quickly hence there is a time lapse when the baby crying was heard.”

  • BLUE DRAGON: How to watch the 2021 film awards online

It makes PERFECT sense that the baby wouldn’t die & that ppl would start coming back from ‘hell’ or whereever they were.

It’s a popular plot loophole for love & sacrifice to cancel out all evil. By sacrificing themselves, Toughie was able to live💫

Has a second season been confirmed?

At the time of writing, Hellbound season 2 has not been officially confirmed by either Netflix or the production studio behind the hit Korean series, Climax.

However, Netflix typically waits several weeks after launching a new series in order to gauge audience reception and generated impact value revenue, before making any type of decision on renewals.

So, whilst fans shouldn’t panic at the lack of Hellbound season 2 information, we can be confident that the series will indeed return for another divine adventure.

The reason for our optimism is simple; the show is tracking to be popular enough to merit a second season and that cliff-hanger ending with Jung-ja implies that another Hellish chapter is being planned.

You can find a more detailed breakdown of the renewal and potential release date for Hellbound season 2 here.

  • SNOWDROP: Blackpink’s Jisoo gets leading role in upcoming K-drama

My only theory after watching hellbound is that the baby lived because the parents switched places with him. I don’t know, I’m still trying to understand what I watched and I’m kinda dumb 🤡

— ✨lulu✨ (@itisiisabela) November 21, 2021

The murder of Arthur Labinjo-Hughes is a stain on the nation.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

Brendan O’Neill
chief political writer

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

Everything about the murder of little Arthur Labinjo-Hughes is distressing. Here was a six-year-old boy tortured, poisoned and assaulted by the people who were supposed to be caring for him. His stepmother, who was today sentenced to life imprisonment for his murder, and his father, who has been jailed for 21 years for manslaughter. They were ‘spiteful and sadistic’ in their violent torment of this child, the judge at Coventry Crown Court said. A video recording of a weakened Arthur trying to make a bed for himself on the floor, and crying out ‘no one loves me… no one is going to feed me’, is harrowing in the extreme. For me, the most distressing detail was an audio recording of Arthur wishing his Uncle Blake would come and rescue him. ‘Please help me uncle… I need some food and a drink’, he cried into the abyss.

The killing of Arthur is first and foremost an act of inhuman depravity carried out by two people who ought never to see sunlight again. But there is something else, too. This horror also feels like a stain on the nation. Like an indictment of society more broadly – or rather of an absence of society which meant that a six-year-old boy could be persecuted and slowly murdered over a period of months. Because the inescapable fact, the fact that should haunt our institutions and our collective conscience, is that this catastrophe could possibly have been prevented. Representatives of the state visited Arthur during his months of torture and poisoning, but they did not recognise the great difficulty he was in. Worse, his extended family, the people who loved him, tried to raise the alarm, to little avail. Most disturbingly of all, they were threatened with arrest if they attempted to visit Arthur during lockdown, when household mixing was banned. It seems possible that Arthur was failed not only by his father and stepmother, but by society itself.

Where were the forces of civilisation? This is the question we must ask. Social workers visited Arthur’s home, in Solihull in the West Midlands, in April 2020, following an out-of-hours emergency call from his paternal grandmother, who had seen deep purple bruises on his back. The social workers went around but reported seeing only a faint yellow bruise. They agreed with Arthur’s stepmum and dad, his torturers, that this was a ‘happy household’. Arthur’s grandmother later reported the bruises to Arthur’s school. The school phoned social services, which assured them the marks were a result of ‘play-fighting’. Between April and June 2020, one of Arthur’s uncles contacted West Midlands police on numerous occasions to report his concerns for Arthur’s welfare. He told the police he had tried to visit his nephew. In possibly the most unbearable detail of this case, the police told him he would be convicted for breaching Covid restrictions if he went near Arthur’s home again. Then Arthur’s step-grandfather made an anonymous call to social services to report that Arthur was being abused. Nothing happened. Finally, on 16 June, after having his head repeatedly hit against a wall by his stepmother, Arthur died.

‘Missed opportunities’ – that is how the media are referring to these failures to save a persecuted child. It is far too polite a term, far too soft. The abandonment of Arthur to his fate, which is essentially what occurred here, raises incredibly important questions about how our society functions, and what can go wrong when society stops functioning. Is it possible that social services have become such a bureaucratic, box-ticking technocracy that they are losing the human sensitivity that is necessary to spot a child in genuine distress? Could it be that local government has become so obsessed with the idea that abuse is rife, and that most parents are ‘problematic’, that they no longer have the finely honed skill of singling out real, rare cases of catastrophic neglect? These questions must now be asked, as a matter of urgency.

Even more pointedly, the fact that one of Arthur’s loving uncles was threatened with arrest if he tried to visit his nephew should give every single one of us pause for thought about the Covid restrictions we have laboured under for the past 18 months. We suspended society in response to this coronavirus. We criminalised the informal networking that is essential to the good life. We tore family from family, household from household. This appears to have contributed to the extreme isolation and unspeakable fate of little Arthur Labinjo-Hughes. Can we now at least discuss how questionable it is, how destructive it can be, to live under a state-enforced culture of atomisation that tears us from our loved ones, and from society itself, in the name of public health?

It’s been nearly 30 years since then-Gov. Bill Clinton took a break from the campaign trail to oversee the execution of death-row inmate Ricky Ray Rector. Morally, it may have been repugnant to kill a man so mentally handicapped by a failed suicide attempt that he set aside the pecan pie of his last meal because he was “saving it for later.”

Politically, it was essential.

By the early 1990s the American left had spent a generation earning a soft-on-crime image in an era of growing lawlessness. In 1988, Mike Dukakis secured the Democrats’ third landslide loss thanks in no small part to his stalwart opposition to the death penalty. Four years later, it was difficult to imagine any Democrat reaching the White House without a literal blood sacrifice to the gods of law and order.

Now Democrats seem intent on reviving that reputation. In Waukesha, Wis., six people were killed and at least 60 injured when Darrell Brooks drove his Ford Escape through a Christmas parade, according to the police. Brooks already had a lengthy rap sheet and had reportedly run over a woman with the same S.U.V. early this month. But, as The Times reported, he had been “quickly freed from jail on bond after prosecutors requested what they now say was an inappropriately low bail.”

What happened in Waukesha on Sunday is among the consequences of easy bail. And bail reform — that is, reducing or eliminating cash bail for a variety of offenses — has been a cause of the left for years.

Then there is California, which in 2014 classified possession of hard drugs for personal use and the theft of up to $950 of goods as misdemeanor offenses. In the Bay Area, the results have been stark: San Francisco’s overdose deaths rose to 81 per 100,000 people in 2020 from 19 per 100,000 people in 2014.

In the meantime, shoplifting has become endemic, brazen and increasingly well organized, culminating in mobs of looters ransacking stores and terrifying customers in the Bay Area last week. Local shops are closing, neighborhoods are decaying, encampments of drug addicts have proliferated, and streets are befouled by human excrement — a set of failures Michael Shellenberger calls in his thoroughly researched and convincing new book, “San Fransicko: Why Progressives Ruin Cities,” “the breakdown of civilization on America’s West Coast.”

As for the rest of the country: Can anyone seriously say that Chicago, Los Angeles, Portland, Seattle, Philadelphia or New York has been improved in recent years under progressive leadership? Why did rates of homelessness register their biggest jumps between 2007 and 2020 in left-leaning states like New York, California and Massachusetts — and their biggest decreases in right-leaning ones like Florida, Texas and Georgia?

Some readers might object that none of these trends take place in a vacuum. The jump in overdose deaths has surely been influenced by the effects of the pandemic, and they’ve also gone up heavily in red states. The rise in lawlessness is in some ways a product of last year’s social upheavals and a reckoning over how the police do their jobs. And murder rates have also gone up in Republican-led cities like Jacksonville, Fla., just as they have elsewhere.

True. But nowhere are dysfunctions more concentrated than in the very places that were supposed to have become beacons of progressive sunshine. And nowhere are the reasons more obvious, too.

If you permit petty vices and crimes to flourish, greater ones will usually follow. If you refuse to police quality-of-life infractions like public drug use or aggressive panhandling, the quality of life will decline. If you increase the incentives for bad behavior, and reduce the ones for good, you will inevitably achieve catastrophic results.

This is not social science. It’s common sense. It’s the basis on which the United States was able to make its streets far safer from around 1995 to 2015, when crime rates kept going down — above all to the benefit of the very minority communities that progressives claim to champion.

The Democratic Party has since thrown that legacy away. Joe Biden disavowed his 1994 crime bill. Last year’s protests often devolved into naked criminality, to which many progressives, including those in the news media, closed their eyes, notoriously including those “fiery but mostly peaceful protests” in Kenosha, Wis. Opportunities for thoughtful police and justice-system reform were squandered in the rush to defame, defund, diminish or abolish.

It may be that serious urban leaders like incoming mayor Eric Adams of New York can reverse the trend. Even the ultra-lefties in California D.A. offices, faced with recall votes, seem to have gotten the message that things are out of hand. But progressive misgovernance has now tattooed the words “soft on crime” on Democratic necks, and the country has noticed. It will take years to erase.

And who has been helped the most by all this, politically speaking? Donald Trump and his mini-mes. The country won’t be safe from them until a more serious Democratic Party can set itself free from ideas that embarrass it and endanger us all.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

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How to survive a breakdown of the social order

nerve, in anatomy, a glistening white cordlike bundle of fibres, surrounded by a sheath, that connects the nervous system with other parts of the body. The nerves conduct impulses toward or away from the central nervous mechanism. In humans 12 pairs, the cranial nerves, are attached to the brain, and, as a rule, 31 pairs, the spinal nerves, are attached to the spinal cord.

The fibres constituting the individual nerves are very numerous, and all, save those arising in the sympathetic ganglia, extend from the brain or spinal cord to the peripheral structures which they innervate. With respect to function, nerve fibres are divided into two categories, namely, sensory (afferent) and motor (efferent). The fibres of these categories and their subdivisions constitute the functional components of the nerves. The combinations of such components vary in the individual cranial nerves; in the spinal nerves they are more uniform.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

The afferent (sensory) fibres are divided into somatic and visceral groups. The somatic afferents conduct impulses received from outside the body or produced by movements of the muscles and joints, those from the muscles and joints also being known as proprioceptive fibres. The visceral afferents conduct messages from the organs serving the internal economy of the body; such impulses result in reflex control of these organs (e.g., the rate of the heartbeat and activities of the digestive system).

The motor fibres are divided into somatic and visceral motor or efferent groups. Somatic efferent fibres innervate voluntary muscles that derive from the myotomes of the embryo. Visceral motor fibres are divided into special visceral efferents, which innervate striped muscles of branchial origin, and general visceral efferents, which innervate involuntary muscles and secreting glands. The general visceral efferent fibres constitute the autonomic system, of which there is a sympathetic division and a parasympathetic division, which differ from each other in anatomical arrangement and physiological characteristics. The term sympathetic also is frequently used to include both divisions as well as the ganglia and afferent fibres associated with them.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

The autonomic pathway involves a chain of two fibres, one arising in the brain or spinal cord and ending in a sympathetic ganglion (the preganglionic fibre), the second (the postganglionic fibre) arising in the ganglion and passing to the organ innervated.

The cranial nerves are designated by name and also by number, Roman numerals being conventionally used as a rule. They emerge through openings (foramina) of the skull. Some of the cranial nerves are purely sensory, some entirely motor, and others mixed. The afferent fibres, save those of the olfactory and optic nerves, arise in the cranial sensory ganglia, situated in the course of sensory nerves near the brain. Central processes (in this context the word process means “a projecting part, an extension”) terminate in sensory nuclei of the brain. The motor fibres arise within the brain from motor nuclei. In some instances the central nuclei, sensory or motor, are distinct for each nerve; in others the functional components of the same category from several nerves may arise from a common nucleus. In addition to the 12 pairs of cranial nerves commonly described, a plexus known as the terminal nerve (cranial nerve 0) is sometimes also recognized in humans, though whether it is a vestigial structure or a functioning nerve is unclear.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

The spinal nerves are named and numbered according to the region of the spinal cord to which they attach. There are 8 cervical (abbreviated C.), 12 thoracic (T.), 5 lumbar (L.), 5 sacral (S.), and usually 1 coccygeal (Co.). Each spinal nerve has two roots, a dorsal or posterior (meaning “toward the back”) one and a ventral or anterior (meaning “toward the front”) one. The dorsal root is sensory and the ventral root motor; the first cervical nerve may lack the dorsal root. Oval swellings, the spinal ganglia, characterize the dorsal roots. They are formed of nerve cells that give rise to the sensory nerve fibres. The fibres of the ventral roots derive from cells in the anterior gray column (ventral horn) of the cord.

Central processes of the dorsal root fibres end in the posterior gray column ( dorsal horn) of the cord or ascend to nuclei in the lower part of the brain. Immediately lateral to the spinal ganglia the two roots unite into a common nerve trunk, which includes both sensory and motor fibres; the branches of this trunk distribute both types of fibres.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica This article was most recently revised and updated by Michael Ray.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

Rishi Sunak has pledged to spend billions of pounds on his "three building blocks” of the Budget – “strong public services, infrastructure innovation and skills”.

The Chancellor said that very Whitehall department will receive a “real terms rise in overall spending” amounting to £150 billion over this Parliament.

Here's a breakdown of what's being promised:

  • The Chancellor announced £300 million for “A Start for Life” parenting programmes, with an extra £170 million by 2024/25 going into paying for childcare.
  • Mr Sunak confirmed a levy will be placed on property developers with profits over £25 million at a rate of 4% to help create a £5 billion fund to remove unsafe cladding.

The Chancellor said local government will get new grant funding over the next three years of £4.8 billion, the largest increase in core funding for over a decade.

Every Whitehall department will receive a “real terms rise in overall spending” as part of the Spending Review, the Chancellor said, amounting to £150 billion over this Parliament.

The Chancellor said overseas aid would return to 0.7% of national income in 2024-25, before the end of the Parliament.

The Chancellor said he is providing an extra £2.2 billion for courts, prisons and probation services, including £500,000 to reduce the courts backlogs.

Devolved administrations will be given the “largest block grants” since 1998, according to the Chancellor, with an increase to Scottish Government funding in each year rising by an average of £4.6 billion, £2.5 billion for the Welsh Government, and £1.6 billion for the Northern Ireland Executive.

The Chancellor said core science funding will rise to £5.9 billion a year by 2024-25, a cash increase of 37%.

On transport funding, Mr Sunak said £2.6 billion is committed via a “long-term pipeline” for more than 50 local road upgrades while more than £5 billion is being committed to local roads maintenance.

The Government will maintain its target to increase research and development (R&D) investment to £22 billion, telling MPs: “But in order to get there, and deliver on our other priorities, we’ll reach the target in 2026-27 – spending, by the end of this Parliament, £20 billion a year on R&D. That’s a cash increase of 50%. I can confirm for the House that this £20 billion is in addition to the cost of our R&D tax reliefs."

£560m to improve maths skills as part of the new Multiply project

A new Global Talent Network, to work with UK businesses and research institutes to identify and attract the best global talent in key science and tech sectors.

Mr Sunak said the Budget increases total departmental spending over the Parliament by £150 billion.

He said: “That’s the largest increase this century, with spending growing by 3.8% a year in real terms. As a result of this Spending Review, and contrary to speculation, there will be a real terms rise in overall spending for every single department.”

On resource spending on health care, Mr Sunak said: “Today’s Spending Review confirms that by the end of the Parliament, it will increase by £44 billion to over £177 billion.

“And the extra revenue we’re now forecast to raise from the Health and Social Care Levy is going direct to the NHS and social care as promised.”

Rishi Sunak said new funding to improve lorry park facilities was being announced on Wednesday, adding: “We’ve already suspended the HGV levy until August and I can do more today – extending it for a further year until 2023, and freezing Vehicle Excise Duty for heavy goods vehicles.”

He added the Budget will offer “further support for working families” and the Government’s fiscal policy will “keep in mind the need to control inflation”.

Mr Sunak said: “I have written to the Governor of the Bank of England today to reaffirm their remit to achieve low and stable inflation.”

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The IRS announced the latest stimulus update Friday with details for how many stimulus checks have been delivered and a payment distribution breakdown for how much stimulus money each state has received. This is the third of three official IRS updates regarding the $1,200 stimulus checks. The first was provided on April 24, the second was provided on May 8 and the third, this latest one, was just provided on May 22.

To date, the IRS has delivered stimulus checks to approximately 152 million individuals, and it has distributed a total dollar amount of nearly $158 billion to states and foreign territories. These IRS updates have come out about every two weeks with the number of individuals receiving stimulus checks increasing from 88 million in the first reporting to 127.5 million in the second reporting, and now it’s up to more than 152 million people. This means that over the past two weeks since May 8, stimulus checks have been delivered to an additional 24.5 million individuals.

State-by-state payment distribution breakdown.

Below is a breakdown of the most recent stimulus check distribution updates. If you want to view this same data for the stimulus update that was provided back on April 24, click here. If you’re interested in viewing this data for the stimulus update that was provided just prior to this one back on May 8, click here.

To date, $257.9 billion have been sent out to 152.1 million individuals. As you can see from the table below, the IRS officially calls stimulus checks Economic Impact Payments (EIP). The data in this table has been sorted by the “Total $$ Amount” column in ascending order from smallest to largest. You’ll note that the District of Columbia has so far received the lowest amount of EIP payments while California has received the highest amount.

Stimulus Checks: IRS Economic Impact Payments, Updated May 22, 2020

IRS Generated Data: Economic Impact Payments State by State

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Here’s How Americans Are Using Their Stimulus Checks

With this update, IRS Commissioner Chuck Rettig communicated that, “Economic Impact Payments have continued going out at a rapid rate to Americans across the country,” and he reminded people that they can go to IRS.gov to stay updated on the latest information, and get answers to the most common stimulus check questions.

Non-filers (individuals with little income or no income) can get the $1,200 stimulus check.

The IRS is urging people who aren’t required to file taxes or those who don’t normally file taxes to sign up to receive their stimulus checks. Low-income individuals and individuals with no income at all are eligible to receive the $1,200 stimulus check payment. If you fall into this category, use this IRS non-filer tool to insert your information, and give the IRS a place to send your stimulus check. All you have to do is put in details such as your name, address and/or banking details so that the IRS can send your check to you.

Wondering where your stimulus check is?

If you are sure that the IRS has your banking details for a direct deposit payment and/or it has your current mailing address but you still haven’t received your stimulus check, contact the IRS to check the status. You can check the status of your stimulus payment online by using this IRS “Get My Payment” tool. You can also call the IRS as it recently announced it was hiring 3,500 telephone representatives to filter and answer stimulus check questions. If you prefer to call, you can reach an economic impact payment representative at (800) 919-9835. An alternative option is to dial the IRS customer service main line at (800) 829-1040.

What’s the deal with paper checks?

If the IRS has your information but you are still waiting on a paper check, it may take a little while. Paper checks started getting mailed out to residences on April 24, but the timeline for receiving paper checks is quite lengthy because checks are being mailed out on a weekly basis.

Paper checks are being mailed to recipients in order of income level with lowest earners getting theirs mailed first and proceeding week after week until the highest earners receive their checks sometime in September.

Are more stimulus checks coming after the $1,200 payments?

Congress is currently considering additional stimulus checks. The House passed this bill that includes a second round of $1,200 stimulus checks, but the Senate has to decide if it will agree to additional stimulus checks before anything can become law. Basically, the momentum is moving in the direction of Congress passing another stimulus check, and the expectation is that House and Senate negotiations will occur in June. To learn more details about the second stimulus check, read this article: 5 Facts On The Second Stimulus Check.

Key stimulus plan details and eligibility requirements.

You can find more specific details outlined here, but here below are some key points you should know.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

To learn more about in person visits, click here.

Those with questions about parole, healthcare or programming for prisoners, correctional facility operations or other corrections-related issues can call the numbers listed below for more information. Please call the number for the section that most appropriately applies to your issue.

Please do not leave a message on more than one phon e line. This will slow down our ability to respond in a timely manner to your concern. Due to a high call volume, numbers may go to voicemail. Please leave a message and a representative from the specific program area will return your call as soon as possible.

If you have questions about the early release of a prisoner, please know that the MDOC has no legal authority to release prisoners prior to their earliest release date because of Truth in Sentencing laws, which require those sentenced to prison to serve their entire minimum sentence before they can be paroled.

If you are trying to reach an incarcerated loved one, please contact the correctional facility where the prisoner is housed. You can find a list of all MDOC correctional facilities and their contact information here. Prisoners continue to have access to phones and electronic messaging in order to contact family and friends.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

The Michigan Department of Corrections is committed to ensuring the safety and well-being of staff, the public and those under our supervision.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

Corrections staff are courageous. They never hesitate to help others in need, regardless of the situation, and show an unending commitment to protecting the citizens of our state safe.

We mourn the loss of 10 corrections professionals, two corrections transportation officers, a word processing assistant at the Lahser Probation Office in Detroit, a field agent, four corrections officers, a sergeant, and a qualified mental health professional, who passed away after contracting coronavirus (COVID-19).

Their dedication to the safety of all Michigan residents will not be forgotten. Our thoughts are with their family, friends and colleagues during this difficult time.

The MDOC is sad to report there have been a total of 148 deaths of prisoners who had tested positive for COVID-19.

Updated December 22, 2021 – 5:00 p.m.

Testing continues daily at our facilities. When prisoners are set to parole, discharge or other such movements, they are tested again and are not moved until the test results return.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

Cases now paroled indicates prisoners who tested positive and later paroled once health care determined they were no longer infectious.

  • Cumulative tests represents all tests conducted for prisoners, as well as all tests conducted for staff by the MDOC in connection with the Department of Health and Human Services public health order, all employer-required testing, and voluntary testing offered earlier this year. Testing continues daily at our facilities for prisoners and is completed when prisoners are set to parole, discharge or other such movements, as well as when they display symptoms or when positive cases have emerged.
  • *Prisoners are considered in step-down status once they have been medically cleared by the MDOC’s chief medical officer, are symptom free and are no longer considered contagious. Step down numbers reflect prisoners currently in step-down status.
  • *According to the Michigan Department of Health and Human Services, an individual is considered “recovered” once they have gone 30 days from the onset of symptoms.

How to survive a breakdown of the social order

Information on COVID-19 Vaccinations

Staff COVID-19 Vaccinations began in later Dec. 2020 and employees across the department have now received vaccinations with the help of local county health departments and the Michigan National Guard.

In accordance with MDHHS vaccination strategy, prisoners 65 years and older have previously been offered the vaccine. Starting on Monday, March 8, facilities will begin offering the vaccine to prisoners who are aged 50 and older with an underlying health condition.